In John, Jesus died on the Day of Preparation (Nisan 14), the day before the Passover meal, sometime after noon but before sunset later that evening.
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Read More »But first, a thousand wagons were made ready to bring stone and ten thousand skilled workmen assembled. A thousand sacerdotal robes were purchased for the priests, some of whom were taught to be stone masons and carpenters. "Not till every thing was well prepared for the work" could the foundation be laid and building begin (Antiquities of the Jews, XV.11.2-3). It is not known how long these preparations took before work on the most sacred inner part of the Temple began, but Josephus recounts that it was "built by the priests in a year and six months" (XV.11.6). Allowing perhaps two years altogether, the inner Temple would have been completed about 18 BC. Forty-six years later would be AD 29—the same year that Pilate was governor of Judaea, which was " in the fifteenth year of the reign of Tiberius Caesar " (Luke 3:1), who succeeded Augustus in AD 14 (Tacitus, Annals, I.5, Suetonius, Life of Tiberius, XXIV.2; Dio, Roman History, LVI.30.5). For Jesus' ministry to have begun about AD 29 (after that of John the Baptist's) and extend over three annual Passovers, he could not have been crucified in AD 30. (There are proponents of this date, however, who posit that Tiberius actually had begun to rule as co-regent in AD 12, when he was awarded imperium to "govern the provinces jointly with Augustus," Suetonius, XXI.1; Velleius Paterculus, The Roman History, II.121.1–2. By this calculation, Jesus' ministry began in AD 27 and he died three years later. But there is no evidence for such an assumption.) Jesus died, therefore, on Friday, April 3, AD 33 at about 3 p.m., a few hours before the beginning of Passover day and the Sabbath. This is the date in the Julian calendar, which had been introduced in 46 BC, and follows the convention that historical dates adhere to the calendar in use at the time. If, instead, the current Gregorian calendar were retroactively extended to a date prior to its introduction in 1582 (or even 1752, when it was adopted by the United States and United Kingdom), such a proleptic date would be different. The equivalent Jewish date for the death of Jesus is Nisan 14, 3793 anno mundi—which is calculated by adding 3761 BC (its proleptic Julian date) to AD 33 and subtracting a year to allow for the fact there is no AD 0. In the Jewish calendar, 3761 is the year of creation, as determined by the sage Halafta, who used only the chronology of the Bible as his authority, and codified by the twelfth-century scholar Maimonides a millennium later. To reconcile the Gospel accounts, it has been suggested that Jesus, no doubt aware of his imminent arrest, did not have a Passover meal (which would have required the Temple sacrifice of a paschal lamb in any event) but simply a last supper the night before. Others (especially those concerned about Biblical inerrancy) have sought to harmonize the Gospels by suggesting that John and the Synoptics used different calendars. Or there was a scribal error in translating the third and sixth hour, confusing gamma and digamma—an argument put forward by Ammonius of Alexandria (Patrologiae Græcæ, LXXXV, Col. 1512) in the early third century AD and by Eusebius a century later (Greek Fragments, To Marinas, Suppl. 4), as well as other church fathers. For example, Jesus may have used the solar calendar of the Essenes, an apocalyptic sect that split from the priesthood at Jerusalem and settled at Qumran on the shores of the Dead Sea. Rejecting the traditional Jewish lunar calendar, they believed that "God appointed the sun to be a great sign on the earth for days and for sabbaths and for months and for feasts and for years and for sabbaths of years and for jubilees and for all seasons of the years (Book of Jubilees, II.9)—and those who "will not make the year three hundred and sixty-four days only, and for this reason they will go wrong as to the new moons and seasons and sabbaths and festivals" (VI.38). Their own ecclesiastical calendar was divided into thirteen months, each of twenty-eight days, for a total of fifty-two weeks or 364 days. Such a year is divisible by seven, which meant that any given date always fell on the same day—and each week, month, and year began on Sunday and ended on the Sabbath (cf. I Enoch, LXXII). Coincidentally, Philo, too, speaks of the Passover, "And this universal sacrifice of the whole people is celebrated on the fourteenth day of the month, which consists of two periods of seven, in order that nothing which is accounted worthy of honour may be separated from the number seven. But this number is the beginning of brilliancy and dignity to everything" (The Special Laws, II.xxxvii.149). Although creation itself occurred on Sunday, the Essenes measured the first day of the first month (Nisan 1) from Wednesday, when the sun and moon were created—a necessary requirement for a solar calendar. The day, too, was measured from sunrise to sunrise, which allowed the paschal lamb to be both prepared and eaten on the same day. Pope Benedict XVI agreed with this notion of a solar calendar, as he proclaimed in his Homily for Holy Thursday for 2007. "We can now say that John's account is historically precise. Jesus truly shed his blood on the eve of Easter a the time of the immolation of the lambs. In all likelihood, however, he celebrated the Passover with his disciples in accordance with the Qumran calendar, hence, at least one day earlier [Nisan 14]; he celebrated it without a lamb, like the Qumran community which did not recognize Herod's temple and was waiting for the new temple." In his own attempt to reconcile John and the Synoptic Gospels, Humphreys, too, has proposed that different calendars were followed. But he rejects the Qumran calendar of the Essenes—which, no matter how elegantly its 364 days are divisible by seven, does not seem to have intercalated for the 365.25 days of the solar calendar. Over time and certainly by that of Jesus, it would have become increasingly out of phase with the sun. And, whether intercalated or not, Passover was much later in that calendar than it is in the Jewish one. Whereas John used the traditional Jewish lunar calendar (developed during the Jewish Exile in Babylon), which measured the day from sunset to sunset, Humphreys has proposed that Matthew, Mark, and Luke adhered to an earlier lunar calendar of the Egyptians at the time of the Exodus—but with a day counted from sunrise to sunrise. This allows the Passover lamb to be sacrificed on the same day as the Passover meal was eaten , on Nisan 14, as instructed by Moses (Exodus 12:6)—but on Wednesday, April 1 (and not Thursday, as the Gospels contend). Different calendars also would explain the dating of the Feast of Unleavened Bread itself, where in Exodus 12:18 and Ezekiel 45:21, it begins on Nisan 14; and in Leviticus 23:6 and Numbers 28:177, on Nisan 15. Mark's statement, for example, that "the first day of unleavened bread [is] when they killed the passover" is potentially confusing in that the feast occurred on Nisan 15, whereas the sacrifice of the Passover lamb was celebrated the day before. But, here, he may have meant that the Passover was the first meal of the seven-day Feast of Unleavened Bread; cf. Josephus "it being the fourteenth day of the month" (War of the Jews, V.3.1). In fact, alternative calendars do not seem to have been used in first-century Palestine; nor is there any reason to assume that Jesus did not visit the Temple for Passover at a different time than any other Jews. To reconcile the two Gospel accounts also is to gloss over what each is trying to say. In Mark, Jesus died on the Day of Passover when the moon was full, as it was on the spring equinox (March 25) when the world itself had been created (Tertullian, Against the Jews, VIII.18; Hippolytus, Commentary on Daniel, IV.23.1; Clement of Alexandria, Stromata, I.21.146; Augustine, On the Trinity, IV.5; also the apocryphal Acts of Pilate, I.Prol.). In John, he died on the Day of Preparation as the sacrificial Lamb of God. On Friday, April 3, AD 33, too, there was a partial lunar eclipse as the full sanguine moon rose above Jerusalem, thus fulfilling the prophecy quoted by Peter that "The sun shall be turned into darkness, and the moon into blood, before that great and notable day of the Lord come" (Acts 2:20). Although it is fitting that the blood smeared on the door frames of the Israelites in Egypt as "a token upon the houses where ye are" (Exodus 12:13) should prefigure a blood-red moon rising above Jerusalem that night, later calculations by Schaefer indicate that the eclipse would have been almost over by then—and the redness suggested by Humphreys and Waddington much less pronounced, if discernable at all. What color was observed more likely was due to dust in the atmosphere. But there was another incident, this one historical rather than astronomical, that supports the crucifixion of Jesus in AD 33: the death in Rome of the praetorian prefect Lucius Sejanus, commander of the imperial guard, two years before. When Tiberius retired to Capri in AD 26, he effectively abdicated his responsibilities to Sejanus, who appointed Pilate prefect of Judaea that year. Both men were virulently anti-Jewish: Sejanus "desirous to destroy our nation" (Philo, On the Embassy to Gaius, XXIV.160; Against Flaccus, I.1) and Pilate determined "to abolish the Jewish laws" (Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, XVIII.3.1). When, to honor Tiberius, Pilate dedicated some gilded shields in Herod's palace in Jerusalem, there was a riot (On the Embassy to Gaius, XXXVIII.299ff). Josephus later relates a similar (if not the same) story. Roman standards, adorned with the emperor's image, were brought secretly into Jerusalem during the night, prompting a riot among the populace, who considered "their laws to have been trampled under foot" (The Jewish War, II.9.2-3; retold in Antiquities of the Jews, XVIII.3.1). Money taken from the Temple treasury to begin construction of an aqueduct provoked further unrest, which was brutally suppressed (The Jewish War, II.9.4; also Antiquities of the Jews, XVIII.3.2). Pilate was in a quandary, "neither venturing to take down what he had once set up, nor wishing to do any thing which could be acceptable to his subjects " (On the Embassy to Gaius, XXXVIII.303). When a supplicatory letter was sent to Tiberius, entreating that he intervene, Sejanus was dead, having been belatedly executed for treason in AD 31 (Dio, LVIII.11.1ff). With the loss of his patron, Pilate no doubt was fearful of his association with the disgraced Sejanus. Indeed, he was reproached by the emperor, who ordered the immediate removal of the offending objects, which were to be placed instead in the Temple of Augustus at Caesarea on the coast (On the Embassy to Gaius, XXXVIII.305). This wariness in giving further offence may explain why Pilate, "a man of a very inflexible disposition, and very merciless as well as very obstinate," was so uncharacteristically acquiescent in handing Jesus over to the Jewish authorities. H e was fearful that, if they were to send an embassy to Tiberius, it "might impeach him with respect to other particulars of his government, in respect of his corruption, and his acts of insolence, and his rapine, and his habit of insulting people, and his cruelty, and his continual murders of people untried and uncondemned, and his never ending, and gratuitous, and most grievous inhumanity " (On the Embassy to Gaius, XXXVIII.301–302). No doubt the Jews were aware of Pilate's vulnerability when they threatened that "If thou let this man go, thou art not Caesar's friend" (John 19:12). In AD 30, when Sejanus still was alive, such a threat would have been a matter of indifference; afterwards, it had to be taken into account.
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Read More »In AD 36, there was yet another disturbance, when Pilate thwarted the Samaritan followers of someone claiming to be the prophet foretold in Deuteronomy 18:15ff. Although only the principals were executed, the Samaritans complained to the governor about the number slain, and Pilate was recalled "to answer before the emperor to the accusations of the Jews" (Antiquities of the Jews, XVIII.4.1ff). He hastened to Rome but, by the time he arrived, the ailing Tiberius had died, to be succeeded by Caligula. Nothing more is recorded of Pilate's fate. For Christian apologists, this was a problem. In about AD 180, the pagan philosopher Celsus had asked why "no calamity happened even to him who condemned him" (quoted by Origen, Against Celsus, II.34). If Pilate killed the son of God, he chided, why had God not punished him? It was a question that discomfited the early church, especially during the first and second centuries AD, when the young sect already was viewed with suspicion by the Romans. In the reign of Claudius, for example, Jews had been expelled from Rome because there were constant "disturbances at the instigation of Chrestus" (Suetonius, Life of Claudius, XXV.4; cf. Acts 18:2). Under Nero, members of the "pernicious superstition" founded by Christus were persecuted for the great fire in Rome and that "class of men, loathed for their vices, whom the crowd styled Christians....convicted, not so much on the count of arson as for hatred of the human race" (Tacitus, Annals, XV.44). In a letter written to Trajan about AD 112, Pliny the Younger, governor of Bithynia in northern Asia Minor, complained of their "stubbornness and inflexible obstinacy" in adhering to a "depraved and excessive superstition" (Letters, X.96; cf. I Peter 2:12, written to the faithful in Bithynia, warning that people "speak against you as evildoers," also 3:16, 4:4). The Gospels, therefore, prudently refrained from overtly criticizing the Roman prefect of Judaea for his culpability in the death of Jesus. In John, for example, Pilate is said to have twice declared that " I find in him no fault at all" (18:4, 38); in Matthew, "I am innocent of the blood of this just person" (27:24); in Mark, "Why, what evil hath he done? (15:14); in Luke, the declaration was "said unto them the third time " (23:22). Written about AD 150, the pseudegraphical Gospel of Peter is the earliest non-canonical passion narrative—although, like other writings falsely attributed to the apostles, it was rejected as apocryphal by the early church, " knowing that such were not handed down to us " (Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History, VI.12.3, III.3.2, 25.6). The Gospel of Peter is even more emphatic in exonerating Pilate, who is said to have declared " I am clear from the blood of the son of God " and kept news of the resurrection from the Jews (XI.46–47). Rather, it is Herod, the Jewish tetrarch of Galilee, who is responsible for the crucifixion, as are the Jews themselves. When Joseph of Arimathea (here, a friend of Pilate) asks to be allowed to bury the body of Jesus, Pilate is obliged to seek permission from Herod, who reassured him that, even if he had not been asked, " we should have buried him, since also the Sabbath dawneth; for it is written in the law that the sun should not set upon one that hath been slain" (II.5, cf. John 19:31, "the bodies should not remain upon the cross on the sabbath day"). As to the Jews, they are utterly malevolent. When the thief on the cross recognized that Jesus has become the savior of men, "they were wroth with him, and commanded that his legs should not be broken, that so he might die in torment" (IV.13 – 14; cf. Luke 23:41). The referent in Greek is not clear, however, and Jesus himself may be meant. Whether Jesus or those who believed in him, it is the Jews, not the Romans, who are hostile to the new religion. In Justin Martyr, the animus of the Jews extends to Rome itself. In the First Apology to Antoninus Pius (circa AD 155), he complains that the Jews " count us foes and enemies; and, like yourselves, they kill and punish us whenever they have the power, as you can well believe" (XXXI), referring to the bloody Bar Kokhba revolt of AD 132 –135 when, outraged that Hadrian would construct a Roman colony on the ruined foundations of Jerusalem, the Jews fought a prolonged rebellion in which "many Romans" perished (Roman History, LXIX.12–14). By the early third century, Origen, in arguing against Celsus that Pilate had not been punished, declared that the taunt has been misdirected. " And yet he does not know that it was not so much Pilate that condemned Him...as the Jewish nation, which has been condemned by God" (Against Celsus, II.34). As in the Gospel of Peter, Pilate was not responsible for Jesus' crucifixion but the recalcitrant Jews, who perversely refuse to accept Jesus as the Messiah. In time, Pilate himself metamorphoses. According to Tertullian, writing in AD 197, he "in his own conscience was now a Christian " (Apology, XX1.26). A century-and-a-quarter later, Eusebius adds that Tiberius was so impressed with what Pilate had to say when he was summoned to Rome that the emperor proposed to the Roman Senate that Jesus be recognized as a god (Ecclesiastical History, II.2.4–6). Nevertheless, the prefect reportedly fell into misfortune and committed suicide "and thus divine vengeance, as it seems, was not long in overtaking him " (II.7.1; cf. Matthew 27:3–5, where Judas also repents of his betrayal and hangs himself). Among the annual sacred feasts enumerated in Leviticus, there was, after Passover (Nisan 14) and the Feast of Unleavened Bread (Nisan 15), a Feast of First-Fruits (Nisan 16), which was to be celebrated the day after the Jewish Sabbath, when the first sheaf of barley was offered to God in thanksgiving (Leviticus 23:10–11; Philo, The Special Laws, II.xxix.162; Antiquities of the Jews, III.10.5). In AD 33, this Sunday also would have been the first Easter, celebrating the resurrection of Jesus, who not only symbolized the paschal lamb but also had "become the firstfruits of them that slept" (I Corinthians 23:20). Implicit n Paul's words is that Jesus died on Nisan 14, as John had written, rising from the dead three days (counting inclusively) after his crucifixion. The Gospel of Peter supports this chronology as well: Jesus was delivered to the Jews on the eve of Passover, "before the first day of unleavened bread, their feast" (3). As the Passover was celebrated on the first full moon following the vernal equinox, so too did the church determine that Easter would be on the first Sunday following the first full moon on or after the vernal equinox (March 21). In most years, when the lunar Jewish calendar does not need to adjust for a leap year, Easter occurs on the Sunday after Passover. But there was a problem, as Eusebius records in his Ecclesiastical History (V.23-25), " A question of no small importance arose at that time. For the parishes of all Asia, as from an older tradition, held that the fourteenth day of the moon, on which day the Jews were commanded to sacrifice the lamb, should be observed as the feast of the Saviour’s passover. It was therefore necessary to end their fast on that day, whatever day of the week it should happen to be. But it was not the custom of the churches in the rest of the world to end it at this time, as they observed the practice which, from apostolic tradition, has prevailed to the present time, of terminating the fast on no other day than on that of the resurrection of our Saviour" (V.23.1). This was the Quartodeciman controversy (from quarta decima, "fourteenth") over whether Easter should coincide with the Passover on Nisan 14 (as observed by the early church in Jerusalem and Asia Minor, which claimed their authority from the apostle John) or be celebrated only on Easter Sunday (as insisted by churches at Roman, which did not want an alignment with the Jewish calendar). It was a potential schism that was effectively settled only by a promulgation from the First Council of Nicaea in AD 325. In a Germanic language such as English, the festival of Easter (Ostern in German) derives from Eostre, a pagan goddess of the dawn and spring. The Old English word first is mentioned by the English monk Bede in De temporum ratione ("The Reckoning of Time"), written in AD 725, where he identified the month of April as Eosturmonath (§330). "Eosturmonath has a name which is now translated 'Paschal month', and which was once called after a goddess of theirs named Eostre, in whose honour feasts were celebrated in that month. Now they designate that Paschal season by her name, calling the joys of the new rite by the time-honoured name of the old observance" (§331). In the Life of Charlemagne, written about a century later, the Frankish scholar Einhard relates that, among the reforms of Charles the Great, "He gave the months names in his own tongue, in place of the Latin and barbarous names by which they were formerly known among the Franks" ( §29). April was called Ostaramonath , "Easter month," Ostara and Eostre being related to Eos, the Greek goddess of dawn, heralding the arrival of spring. Jacob Grimm (the elder of the Brothers Grimm) elaborates on the etymology in Teutonic Mythology, first published in 1835. "This Ostara, like the AS. [Anglo-Saxon] Eastre, must in the heathen religion have denoted a higher being, whose worship was so firmly rooted, that the christian teachers tolerated the name, and applied it to one of their own grandest anniversaries....Ostara, Eastre seems therefore to have been the divinity of the radiant dawn, of upspringing light, a spectacle that brings joy and blessing, whose meaning could be easily adapted to the resurrection-day of the christian's God" (pp. 292-292). Passover is Pascha in Greek, as transliterated from the Aramaic. This also is the word for Easter in Latin and the Romance languages The seventeenth-century ivory crucifix is in the Treasury of the Cathedral of Córdoba (Spain), which is situated there within the Great Mosque (Mezquita).
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